What You Can Change and What You Can't

Excerpted From The Book: What You Can Change and What You Can't

There are things we can change about ourselves and things we cannot. Concentrate your energy on what is possible--too much time has been wasted.

This is the age of psychotherapy and the age of self-improvement. Millions are struggling to change. We diet, we jog, we meditate. We adopt new modes of thought to counteract our depressions. We practice relaxation to curtail stress. We exercise to expand our memory and to quadruple our reading speed. We adopt draconian regimens to give up smoking. We raise our little boys and girls to androgyny. We come out of the closet or we try to become heterosexual. We seek to lose our taste for alcohol. We seek more meaning in life. We try to extend our life span.

Sometimes it works. But distressingly often, self-improvement and psychotherapy fail. The cost is enormous. We think we are worthless. We feel guilty and ashamed. We believe we have no willpower and that we are failures. We give up trying to change.

On the other hand, this is not only the age of self-improvement and therapy, but also the age of biological psychiatry. The human genome will be nearly mapped before the millennium is over. The brain systems underlying sex, hearing, memory, left-handedness, and sadness are now known. Psychoactive drugs quiet our fears, relieve our blues, bring us bliss, dampen our mania, and dissolve our delusions more effectively than we can on our own.

Our very personality--our intelligence and musical talent, even our religiousness, our conscience (or its absence), our politics, and our exuberance-turns out to be more the product of our genes than almost anyone would have believed a decade ago. The underlying message of the age of biological psychiatry is that our biology frequently makes changing, in spite of all our efforts, impossible.

Understanding dissociation and its relationship to trauma is basic to understanding the posttraumatic and dissociative disorders.But the view that all is genetic and biochemical and therefore unchangeable is also very often wrong. Many people surpass their IQs, fail to "respond" to drugs, make sweeping changes in their lives, live on when their cancer is "terminal," or defy the hormones and brain circuitry that "dictate" lust, femininity, or memory loss.

The ideologies of biological psychiatry and self-improvement are obviously colliding. Nevertheless, a resolution is apparent. There are some things about ourselves that can be changed, others that cannot, and some that can be changed only with extreme difficulty.

What can we succeed in changing about ourselves? What can we not? When can we overcome our biology? And when is our biology our destiny?

I want to provide an understanding of what you can and what you can't change about yourself so that you can concentrate your limited time and energy on what is possible. So much time has been wasted. So much needless frustration has been endured. So much of therapy, so much of child rearing, so much of self-improving, and even some of the great social movements in our century have come to nothing because they tried to change the unchangeable. Too often we have wrongly thought we were weak-willed failures, when the changes we wanted to make in ourselves were just not possible. But all this effort was necessary: Because there have been so many failures, we are now able to see the boundaries of the unchangeable; this in turn allows us to see clearly for the first time the boundaries of what is changeable.

With this knowledge, we can use our precious time to make the many rewarding changes that are possible. We can live with less self-reproach and less remorse. We can live with greater confidence. This knowledge is a new understanding of who we are and where we are going.

CATASTROPHIC THINKING: PANIC

S.J. Rachman, one of the world's leading clinical researchers and one of the founders of behavior therapy, was on the phone. He was proposing that I be the "discussant" at a conference about panic disorder sponsored by the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH).

"Why even bother, Jack?" I responded. "Everyone knows that panic is biological and that the only thing that works is drugs."

"Don't refuse so quickly, Marty. There is a breakthrough you haven't yet heard about."

Breakthrough was a word I had never heard Jack use before.

"What's the breakthrough?" I asked.

"If you come, you can find out."

So I went.

I had known about and seen panic patients for many years, and had read the literature with mounting excitement during the 1980's. I knew that panic disorder is a frightening condition that consists of recurrent attacks, each much worse than anything experienced before. Without prior warning, you feel as if you are going to die. Here is a typical case history:

The first time Celia had a panic attack, she was working at McDonald's. It was two days before her 20th birthday. As she was handing a customer a Big Mac, she had the worst experience of her life. The earth seemed to open up beneath her. Her heart began to pound, she felt she was smothering, and she was sure she was going to have a heart attack and die. After about 20 minutes of terror, the panic subsided. Trembling, she got in her car, raced home, and barely left the house for the next three months.




Since then, Celia has had about three attacks a month. She does not know when they are coming. She always thinks she is going to die.

Panic attacks are not subtle, and you need no quiz to find out if you or someone you love has them. As many as five percent of American adults probably do. The defining feature of the disorder is simple: recurrent awful attacks of panic that come out of the blue, last for a few minutes, and then subside. The attacks consist of chest pain, sweating, nausea, dizziness, choking, smothering, or trembling. They are accompanied by feelings of overwhelming dread and thoughts that you are having a heart attack, that you are losing control, or that you are going crazy.

THE BIOLOGY OF PANIC

There are four questions that bear on whether a mental problem is primarily "biological" as opposed to "psychological":

Can is be induced biologically?

Is it genetically heritable?

Are specific brain functions involved?

Does a drug relieve it?

Inducing panic: Panic attacks can be created by a biological agent. For example, patients who have a history of panic attacks are hooked up to an intravenous line. Sodium lactate, a chemical that normally produces rapid, shallow breathing and heart palpitations, is slowly infused into their bloodstream. Within a few minutes, about 60 to 90 percent of these patients have a panic attack. Normal controlssubjects with no history of panic-rarely have attacks when infused with lactate.

Genetics of panic: There may be some heritability of panic. If one of two identical twins has panic attacks, 31 percent of the cotwins also have them. But if one of two fraternal twins has panic attacks, none of the cotwins are so afflicted.

Panic and the brain: The brains of people with panic disorders look somewhat unusual upon close scrutiny. Their neurochemistry shows abnormalities in the system that turns on, then dampens, fear. In a`dition, the PET scan (positron-emission tomography), a technique that looks at how much blood and oxygen different parts of the brain use, shows that patients who panic from the infusion of lactate have higher blood flow and oxygen use in relevant parts of their brain than patients who don't panic.

Drugs: Two kinds of drugs relieve panic: tricyclic antidepressants and the antianxiety drug Xanax, and both work better than placebos. Panic attacks are dampened, and sometimes even eliminated. General anxiety and depression also decrease.

Since these four questions had already been answered "yes" when Jack Rachman called, I thought the issue had already been settled. Panic disorder was simply a biological illness, a disease of the body that could be relieved only by drugs.

A few months later I was in Bethesda, Maryland, listening once again to the same four lines of biological evidence. An inconspicuous figure in a brown suit sat hunched over the table. At the first break, Jack introduced me to him-David Clark, a young psychologist from Oxford. Soon after, Clark began his address.

"Consider, if you will, an alternative theory, a cognitive theory." He reminded all of us that almost all panickers believe that they are going to die during an attack. Most commonly, they believe that they are having heart attacks. Perhaps, Clark suggested, this is more than just a mere symptom. Perhaps it is the root cause. Panic may simply be the catastrophic misinterpretation of bodily sensations.

For example, when you panic your heart starts to race. You notice this, and you see it as a possible heart attack. This makes you very anxious, which means your heart pounds more. You now notice that your heart is really pounding. You are now sure it's a heart attack. This terrifies you, and you break into a sweat, feel nauseated, short of breath--all symptoms of terror, but for you, they're confirmation of a heart attack. A full-blown panic attack is under way, and at the root of it is your misinterpretation of the symptoms of anxiety as symptoms of impending death.

I was listening closely now as Clark argued that an obvious sign of a disorder, easily dismissed as a symptom, is the disorder itself. If he was right, this was a historic occasion. All Clark had done so far, however, was to show that the four lines of evidence for a biological view of panic could fit equally well with a misinterpretation view. But Clark soon told us about a series of experiments he and his colleague Paul Salkovskis had done at Oxford.

First, they compared panic patients with patients who had other anxiety disorders and with normals. All the subjects read the following sentences aloud, but the last word was presented blurred. For example:

dying if I had palpitations, I could be excited excited

choking If I were breathless, I could be unfit unfit

When the sentences were about bodily sensations, the panic patients, but no one else, saw the catastrophic endings fastest. This showed that panic patients possess the habit of thinking Clark had postulated.




Next, Clark and his colleagues asked if activating this habit with words would induce panic. All the subjects read a series of word pairs a aloud. When panic patients got to "breathless-suffocation" and "palpitations-dying," 75 percent suffered a full-blown panic attack right there in the laboratory. No normal people had panic attacks, no recovered panic patients (I'll tell you more in a moment about how they got better) had attacks, and only 17 percent of other anxious patients had attacks.

The final thing Clark told us was the "breakthrough" that Rachman had promised.

"We have developed and tested a rather novel therapy for panic," Clark continued in his understated, disarming way. He explained that if catastrophic misinterpretations of bodily sensation are the cause of a panic attack, then changing the tendency to misinterpret should cure the disorder. His new therapy was straightforward and brief:

Patients are told that panic results when they mistake normal symptoms of mounting anxiety for symptoms of heart attack, going crazy, or dying. Anxiety itself, they, are informed, produces shortness of breath, chest pain, and sweating. Once they misinterpret these normal bodily sensations as an imminent heart attack, their symptoms become even more pronounced because the misinterpretation changes their anxiety into terror. A vicious circle culminates in a full-blown panic attack.

Patients are taught to reinterpret the symptoms realistically as mere anxiety symptoms. Then they are given practice right in the office, breathing rapidly into a paper bag. This causes a buildup of carbon dioxide and shortness of breath, mimicking the sensations that provoke a panic attack. The therapist points out that the symptoms the patient is experiencing--shortness of breath and heart racing--are harmless, simply the result of overbreathing, not a sign of a heart attack. The patient learns to interpret the symptoms correctly.

"This simple therapy appears to be a cure," Clark told us. "Ninety to 100 percent of the patients are panic free at the end of therapy. One year later, only one person had had another panic attack."

This, indeed, was a breakthrough: a simple, brief psychotherapy with no side effects showing a 90-percent cure rate of a disorder that a decade ago was thought to be incurable. In a controlled study of 64 patients comparing cognitive therapy to drugs to relaxation to no treatment, Clark and his colleagues found that cognitive therapy is markedly better than drugs or relaxation, both of which are better than nothing. Such a high cure rate is unprecedented.

How does cognitive therapy for panic compare with drugs? It is more effective and less dangerous. Both the antidepressants and Xanax produce marked reduction in panic in most patients, but drugs must be taken forever; once the drug is stopped, panic rebounds to where it was before therapy began for perhaps half the patients. The drugs also sometimes have severe side effects, including drowsiness, lethargy, pregnancy complications, and addictions.

After this bombshell, my own "discussion" was an anticlimax. I did make one point that Clark took to heart. "Creating a cognitive therapy that works, even one that works as well as this apparently does, is not enough to show that the cause of panic is cognitive:" I was niggling. "The biological theory doesn't deny that some other therapy might work well on panic. It merely claims that panic is caused at the bottom by some biochemical problem."

Two years later, Clark carried out a crucial experiment that tested the biological theory against the cognitive theory. He gave the usual lactate infusion to 10 panic patients, and nine of them panicked. He did the same thing with another 10 patients, but added special instructions to allay the misinterpretation of the sensations. He simply told them: "Lactate is a natural bodily substance that produces sensations similar to exercise or alcohol. It is normal to experience intense sensations during infusion, but these do not indicate an adverse reaction." Only three out of the 10 panicked. This confirmed the theory crucially.

The therapy works very well, as it did for Celia, whose story has a happy ending. She first tried Xanax, which reduced the intensity and the frequency of her panic attacks. But she was too drowsy to work, and she was still having about one attack every six weeks. She was then referred to Audrey, a cognitive therapist who explained that Celia was misinterpreting her heart racing and shortness of breath as symptoms of a heart attack, that they were actually just symptoms of mounting anxiety, nothing more harmful. Audrey taught Celia progressive relaxation, and then she demonstrated the harmlessness of Celia's symptoms of overbreathing. Celia then relaxed in the presence of the symptoms and found that they gradually subsided. After several more practice sessions, therapy terminated. Celia has gone two years without another panic attack.

EVERYDAY ANXIETY

Attend to your tongue--right now. What is it doing? Mine is swishing around near my lower right molars. It has just found a minute fragment of last night's popcorn (debris from Terminator 2). Like a dog at a bone, it is worrying the firmly wedged flake.

Attend to your hand--right now. What's it up to? My left hand is boring in on an itch it discovered under my earlobe.

Your tongue and your hands have, for the most part, a life of their own. You can bring them under voluntary control by consciously calling them out of their "default" mode to carry out your commands: "Pick up the phone" or "Stop picking that pimple." But most of the time they are on their own. They are seeking out small imperfections. They scan your entire mouth and skin surface, probing for anything going wrong. They are marvelous, nonstop grooming devices. They, not the more fashionable immune system, are your first line of defense against invaders.




Anxiety is your mental tongue. Its default mode is to search for what may be about to go wrong. It continually, and without your conscious consent, scans your life--yes, even when you are asleep, in dreams and nightmares. It reviews your work, your love, your play--until it finds an imperfection. When it finds one, it worries it. It tries to pull it out from its hiding place, where it is wedged inconspicuously under some rock. It will not let go. If the imperfection is threatening enough, anxiety calls your attention to it by making you uncomfortable. If you do not act, it yells more insistently--disturbing your sleep and your appetite.

You can reduce daily, mild anxiety. You can numb it with alcohol, Valium, or marijuana. You can take the edge off with meditation or progressive relaxation. You can beat it down by becoming more conscious of the automatic thoughts of danger that trigger anxiety and then disputing them effectively.

But do not overlook what your anxiety is trying to do for you. In return for the pain it brings, it prevents larger ordeals by making you aware of their possibility and goading you into planning for and forestalling them. It may even help you avoid them altogether. Think of your anxiety as the "low oil" light flashing on the dashboard of your car. Disconnect it and you will be less distracted and more comfortable for a while. But this may cost you a burned-up engine. Our dysphoria, or bad feeling, should, sonic of the time, be tolerated, attended to, even cherished.

GUIDELINES FOR WHEN TO TRY TO CHANGE ANXIETY

Some of our everyday anxiety, depression, and anger go beyond their useful function. Most adaptive traits fall along a normal spectrum of distribution, and the capacity for internal bad weather for everyone some of the time means that sonic of us may have terrible weather all of the time. In general, when the hurt is pointless and recurrent--when, for example, anxiety insists we formulate a plan but no plan will work--it is time to take action to relieve the hurt. There are three hallmarks indicating that anxiety has become a burden that wants relieving:

First, is it irrational?

We must calibrate our bad weather inside against the real weather outside. Is what you are anxious about out of proportion to the reality of the danger? Here are some examples that may help you answer this question. All of the following are not irrational:

A fire fighter trying to smother a raging oil well burning in Kuwait repeatedly wakes up at four in the morning because of flaming terror dreams.

A mother of three smells perfume on her husband's shirts and, consumed by jealousy, broods about his infidelity, reviewing the list of possible women over and over.

A student who had failed two of his midterm exams finds, as finals approach, that he can't get to sleep for worrying. He has diarrhea most of the time.

The only good thing that can be said about such fears is that they are well-founded.

In contrast, all of the following are irrational, out of proportion to the danger:

An elderly man, having been in a fender bender, broods about travel and will no longer take cars, trains, or airplanes.

An eight-year-old child, his parents having been through an ugly divorce, wets his bed at night. He is haunted with visions of his bedroom ceiling collapsing on him.

A housewife who has an MBA and who accumulated a decade of experience as a financial vice president before her twins were born is sure her job search will be fruitless. She delays preparing her resumes for a month.

The second hallmark of anxiety out of control is paralysis. Anxiety intends action: Plan, rehearse, look into shadows for lurking dangers, change your life. When anxiety becomes strong, it is unproductive; no problem-solving occurs. And when anxiety is extreme, it paralyzes you. Has your anxiety crossed this line? Some examples:

A woman finds herself housebound because she fears that if she goes out, she will be bitten by a cat.

A salesman broods about the next customer hanging up on him and makes no more cold calls.

A writer, afraid of the next rejection slip, stops writing.

The final hallmark is intensity. Is your life dominated by anxiety? Dr. Charles Spielberger, one of the world's foremost testers of emotion, has developed well-validated scales for calibrating how severe anxiety is. To find out how anxious you are, use the self-analysis questionnaire beginning on page 38.

LOWERING YOUR EVERYDAY ANXIETY

Everyday anxiety level is not a category to which psychologists have devoted a great deal of attention. Enough research has been done, however, for me to recommend two techniques that quite reliably lower everyday anxiety levels. Both techniques are cumulative, rather than one-shot fixes. They require 20 to 40 minutes a day of your valuable time.

The first is progressive relaxation, done once or, better, twice a day for at least 10 minutes. In this technique, you tighten and then turn off each of the major muscle groups of your body until you are wholly flaccid. It is not easy to be highly anxious when your body feels like Jell-O. More formally, relaxation engages a response system that competes with anxious arousal.




The second technique is regular meditation. Transcendental mediation (TM) is one useful, widely available version of this. You can ignore the cosmology in which it is packaged if you wish, and treat it simply as the beneficial technique it is. Twice a day for 20 minutes, in a quiet setting, you close your eyes and repeat a mantra (a syllable whose "sonic properties are known") to yourself Meditation works by blocking thoughts that produce anxiety. It complements relaxation, which blocks the motor components of anxiety but leaves the anxious thoughts untouched.

Done regularly, meditation usually induces a peaceful state of mind. Anxiety at other times of the day wanes, and hyperarousal from bad events is dampened. Done religiously, TM probably works better than relaxation alone.

There's also a quick fix. The minor tranquilizers--Valium, Dalmane, Librium, and their cousins--relieve everyday anxiety. So does alcohol. The advantage of all these is that they work within minutes and require no discipline to use. Their disadvantages outweigh their advantages, however. The minor tranquilizers make you fuzzy and somewhat uncoordinated as they work (a not uncommon side effect is an automobile accident). Tranquilizers soon lose their effect when taken regularly, and they are habit-forming--probably addictive. Alcohol, in addition, produces gross cognitive and motor disability in lockstep with its anxiety relief. Taken regularly over long periods, deadly damage to liver and brain ensue.

If you crave quick and temporary relief from acute anxiety, either alcohol or mi nor tranquilizers, taken in small amounts and only occasionally, will do the job. They are, however, a distant second best to progressive relaxation and meditation, which are each worth trying before you seek out psychotherapy or iii conjunction with therapy. Unlike tranquilizers and alcohol, neither of these techniques is likely to do you any harm.

Weigh your everyday anxiety. It it is not intense, or if it is moderate and not irrational or paralyzing, act now to reduce it. In spite of its deep evolutionary roots, intense everyday anxiety is often changeable. Meditation and progressive relaxation practiced regularly can change it forever.

DIETING: A WAIST IS A TERRIBLE THING TO MIND

I have been watching my weight and restricting my intake--except for an occasional binge like this--since I was 20. I weighed about 175 pounds then, maybe 15 pounds over my official "ideal" weight. I weigh 199 pounds now, 30 years later, about 25 pounds over the ideal. I have tried about a dozen regimes--fasting, the Beverly Hills Diet, no carbohydrates, Metrecal for lunch, 1,200 calories a day, low fat, no lunch, no starches, skipping every other dinner. I lost 10 or 15 pounds on each in about a month. The pounds always came back, though, and I have gained a net of about a pound a year--inexorably.

This is the most consistent failure in my life. It's also a failure I can't just put out of mind, I have spent the last few years reading the scientific literature, not the parade of best-selling diet books or the flood of women's magazine articles on the latest way to shut down. The scientific findings look clear to me, but there is not yet a consenus. I am going to go out on a limb, because I see so many signs all pointing in one direction. What I have concluded will, I believe, soon be the consensus of the scientists. The conclusions surprise me. They will probably surprise you, too, and they may change your life.

Hear is what the picture looks like to me:

Dieting doesn't work.

Dieting may make overweight worse, not better.

Dieting may be bad for health.

Dieting may cause eating disorders--including bulimea and anorexia.

ARE YOU OVERWEIGHT?

Are you above the ideal weight for your sex, height, and age? If so, you are "overweight. What does this really mean? Ideal weight is arrived at simply. Four million people, now dead, who were insured by the major Americani life-insurance companies, once weighed and had their height measured. At what weight on average do people of a given height turn out to live longest? That weight is called ideal. Anything wrong with that?

You bet. The real use of a weight table, and the reason your doctor takes it seriously, is that an ideal weight implies that, on average, if you slim down to yours, you will live longer. This is the crucial claim. Lighter people indeed live longer, on average, that) heavier people, but how much longer is hotly debated.

But the crucial claim is unsound because weight (at any given height) has a normal distribution, normal both in a statistical sense and in the biological sense. In the biological sense, couch potatoes who overeat and never exercise can legitimately be called overweight, but the buxom, "heavy-boned" slow people deemed overweight by the ideal table are at their natural and healthiest weight. If you are a 135-pound woman and 64 inches in height, for example, you are "overweight" by around 15 pounds. This means nothing more than that the average 140-pound, 64-inch-tall woman lives somewhat longer than the average 155-pound woman of your height. It does not follow that if you slim down to 125 pounds, you will stand any better chance of living longer.




In spite of the insouciance with which dieting advice is dispensed, no one has properly investigated the question of whether slimming down to "ideal" weight produces longer life. The proper study would compare the longevity of people who are at their ideal weight without dieting to people who achieve their ideal weight by dieting. Without this study the common medical advice to diet down to your ideal weight is simply unfounded.

This is not a quibble; there is evidence that dieting damages your health and that this damage may shorten your life.

MYTHS OF OVERWEIGHT

The advice to diet down to your ideal weight to live longer is one myth of overweight. Here are some others:

Overweight people overeat. Wrong. Nineteen out of 20 studies show that obese people consume no more calories each day than nonobese people. Telling a fat person that if she would change her eating habits and eat "normally" she would lose weight is a lie. To lose weight and stay there, she will need to eat excruciatingly less than a normal person, probably for the rest of her life.

Overweight people have an overweight personality. Wrong. Extensive research on personality and fatness has proved little. Obese people do not differ in any major personality style from nonobese people.

Physical inactivity is a major cause of obesity. Probably not. Fat people are indeed less active than thin people, but the inactivity is probably caused more by the fatness than the other way around.

Overweight shows a lack of willpower. This is the granddaddy of all the myths. Fatness is seen as shameful because we hold people responsible for their weight. Being overweight equates with being a weak-willed slob. We believe this primarily because we have seen people decide to lose weight and do so in a matter of weeks.

But almost everyone returns to the old weight after shedding pounds. Your body has a natural weight that it defends vigorously against dieting. The more diets tried, the harder the body works to defeat the next diet. Weight is in large part genetic. All this gives the lie to the "weak-willed" interpretations of overweight. More accurately, dieting is the conscious will of the individual against a more vigilant opponent: the species' biological defense against starvation. The body can't tell the difference between self-imposed starvation and actual famine, so it defends its weight by refusing to release fat, by lowering its metabolism, and by demanding food. The harder the creature tries not to eat, the more vigorous the defenses become.

BULIMIA AND NATURAL WEIGHT

A concept that makes sense of your body's vigorous defense against weight loss is natural weight. When your body screams "I'm hungry," makes you lethargic, stores fat, craves sweets and renders them more delicious than ever, and makes you obsessed with food, what it is defending is your natural weight. It is signaling that you have dropped into a range it will not accept. Natural weight prevents you from gaining too much weight or losing too much. When you eat too much for too long, the opposite defenses are activated and make long-term weight gain difficult.

There is also a strong genetic contribution to your natural weight. Identical twins reared apart weigh almost the same throughout their lives. When identical twins are overfed, they gain weight and add fat in lockstep and in the same places. The fatness or thinness of adopted children resembles their biological parents--particularly their mother--very closely but does not at all resemble their adoptive parents. This suggests that you have a genetically given natural weight that your body wants to maintain.

The idea of natural weight may help cure the new disorder that is sweeping young America. Hundreds of thousands of young women have contracted it. It consists of bouts of binge eating and purging alternating with days of undereating. These young women are usually normal in weight or a bit on the thin side, but they are terrified of becoming fat. So they diet. They exercise. They take laxatives by the cup. They gorge. Then they vomit and take more laxatives. This malady is called bulimia nervosa (bulimia, for short).

Therapists are puzzled by bulimia, its causes, and treatment. Debate rages about whether it is an equivalent of depression, or an expression of a thwarted desire for control, or a symbolic rejection of the feminine role. Almost every psychotherapy has been tried. Antidepressants and other drugs have been administered with some effect but little success has been reported.

I don't think that bulimia is mysterious, and I think that it will be curable. I believe that bulimia is caused by dieting. The bulimic goes on a diet, and her body attempts to defend its natural weight. With repeated dieting, this defense becomes more vigorous. Her body is in massive revolt--insistently demanding food, storing fat, craving sweets, and lowering metabolism. Periodically, these biological defenses will overcome her extraordinary willpower (and extraordinary it must be to even approach an ideal weight, say, 20 pounds lighter than her natural weight). She will then binge. Horrified by what this will do to her figure, she vomits and takes laxatives to purge calories. Thus, bulimia is a natural consequence of self-starvation to lose weight in the midst of abundant food.

The therapist's task is to get the patient to stop dieting and become comfortable with her natural weight. He should first convince the patient that her binge eating is caused by her body's reaction to her diet. Then he must confront her with a question: Which is more important, staying thin or getting rid of bulimia? By stopping the diet, he will tell her, she can get rid of the uncontrollable binge-purge cycle. Her body will now settle at her natural weight, and she need not worry that she will balloon beyond that point. For some patients, therapy will end there because they would rather be bulimic than "loathsomely fat." For these patients, the central issue--ideal weight versus natural weight--can now at least become the focus of therapy. For others, defying the social and sexual pressure to be thin will be possible, dieting will be abandoned, weight will be gained, and bulimia should end quickly.

These are the central moves of the cognitive-behavioral treatment of bulimia. There are more than a dozen outcome studies of this approach, and the results are good. There is about 60 percent reduction in hinging and purging (about the same as with antidepressant drugs). But unlike drugs, there is little relapse after treatment. Attitudes toward weight and shape relax, and dieting withers.

Of course, the dieting theory cannot fully explain bulimia. Many people who diet don't become bulimic; some can avoid it because their natural weight is close to their ideal weight, and therefore the diet they adopt does not starve them. In addition, bulimics are often depressed, since binging-purging leads to self-loathing. Depression may worsen bulimia by making it easier to give in to temptation. Further, dieting may just be another symptom of bulimia, not a cause. Other factors aside, I can speculate that dieting below your natural weight is a necessary condition for bulimia, and that returning to your natural weight and accepting that weight will cure bulimia.




OVERWEIGHT VS. DIETING: THE HEALTH DAMAGE

Being heavy carries some health risk. There is no definite answer to how much, because there is a swamp of inconsistent findings. But even if you could just wish pounds away, never to return, it is not certain you should. Being somewhat above your "ideal" weight may actually be your healthiest natural condition, best for your particular constitution and your particular metabolism. Of course you can diet, but the odds are overwhelming that most of the weight will return, and that you will have to diet again and again. From a health and mortality perspective, should You? There is, probably, a serious health risk-from losing weight and regaining it.

In one study, more than five thousand men and women from Framingham, Massachusetts, were observed for 32 years. People whose weight fluctuated over the years had 30 to 100 percent greater risk of death from heart disease than people whose weight was stable. When corrected for smoking, exercise, cholesterol level, and blood pressure, the findings became more convincing, suggesting that weight fluctuation (the primary cause of which is presumably dieting) may itself increase the risk of heart disease.

If this result is replicated, and if dieting is shown to be the primary cause of weight cycling, it will convince me that you should not diet to reduce your risk of heart disease.

DEPRESSION AND DIETING

Depression is yet another cost of dieting, because two root causes of depression are failure and helplessness. Dieting sets you up for failure. Because the goal of slimming down to your ideal weight pits your fallible willpower against untiring biological defenses, you will often fail. At first you will lose weight and feel pretty good about it. Any depression you had about your figure will disappear, Ultimately, however, you will probably not reach your goal; and then you will be dismayed as the pounds return. Every time You look in the mirror or vacillate over a white chocolate mousse, you will be reminded of your failure, which in turn brings depression.

On the other hand, if you are one of the fortunate few who can keep the weight from coming back, you will probably have to stay on an unsatisfying low-calorie diet for the rest of your life. A side effect of prolonged malnutrition is depression. Either way, you are more vulnerable to it.

If you scan the list of cultures that have a thin ideal for women, you will be struck by something fascinating. All thin-ideal cultures also have eating disorders. They also have roughly twice as much depression in women as in men. (Women diet twice as much as men. The best estimator is that 13 percent of adult men and 25 percent of adult women are now on a diet.) The cultures without the thin ideal have no eating disorders, and the amount of depression in women and men in these cultures is the same. This suggests that around the world, the thin ideal and dieting not only cause eating disorders, but they may also cause women to be more depressed than men.

THE BOTTOM LINE

I have been dieting off and on for 30 years because I want to be more attractive, healthier, and more in control. How do these goals stack up against the facts?

Attractiveness. If your attractiveness is a high-enough priority to convince you to diet, keep three drawbacks in mind. First, the attractiveness you gain will be temporary. All the weight you lose and maybe more will likely come back in a few years. This will depress you. Then you will have to lose it again and it will be harder the second time. Or you will have to resign yourself to being less attractive. Second, when women choose the silhouette figure they want to achieve, it turns out to be thinner than the silhouette that men label most attractive. Third, you may well become bulimic particularly if your natural weight is substantially more than your ideal weight. On balance, if short-term attractiveness is your overriding goal, diet. But be prepared for the costs.

Health. No one has ever shown that losing weight will increase my longevity. On balance, the health goal does not warrant dieting.

Control. For many people, getting to an ideal weight and staying there is just as biologically impossible as going with much less sleep. This fact tells me not to diet, and defuses my feeling of shame. My bottom line is clear: I am not going to diet anymore.

DEPTH AND CHANGE: THE THEORY

Clearly, we have not yet developed drugs or psychotherapies that can change all the problems, personality types, and patterns of behavior in adult life. But I believe that success and failure stems from something other than inadequate treatment. Rather, it stems from the depth of the problem.

We all have experience of psychological states of different depths. For example, if you ask someone, out of the blue, to answer quickly, "Who are you?" they will usually tell you--roughly in this order--their name, their sex, their profession, whether they have children, and their religion or race. Underlying this is a continuum of depth from surface to soul--with all manner of psychic material in between.

I believe that issues of the soul can barely be changed by psychotherapy or by drugs. Problems and behavior patterns somewhere between soul and surface can be changed somewhat. Surface problems can be changed easily, even cured. What is changeable, by therapy or drugs, I speculate, varies with the depth of the problem.




My theory says that it does not matter when problems, habits, and personality are acquired; their depth derives only from their biology, their evidence, and their power. Some childhood traits, for example, are deep and unchangeable but not because they were learned early and therefore have a privileged place.

Rather, those traits that resist change do so either because they are evolutionarily prepared or because they acquire great power by virtue of becoming the framework around which later learning crystallizes. In this way, the theory of depth carries the optimistic message that we are not prisoners of our past.

When you have understood this message, you will never look at your life in the same way again. Right now there are a number of things that you do not like about yourself and that you want to change: your short fuse, your waistline, your shyness, your drinking, your glumness. You have decided to change, but you do not know what you should work on first. Formerly you would have probably selected the one that hurts the most. Now you will also ask yourself which attempt is most likely to repay your efforts and which is most likely to lead to further frustration. Now you know your shyness and your anger are much more likely to change than your drinking, which you now know is more likely to change than your waistline.

Some of what does change is under your control, and some is not. You can best prepare yourself to change by learning as much as you can about what you can change and how to make those changes. Like all true education, learning about change is not easy; harder yet is surrendering some of our hopes. It is certainly not my purpose to destroy your optimism about change. But it is also not my purpose to assure everybody they can change in every way. My purpose is to instill a new, warranted optimism about the parts of your life you can change and so help you focus your limited time, money, and effort on making actual what is truly within your reach.

Life is a long period of change. What you have been able to change and what has resisted your highest resolve might seem chaotic to you: for some of what you are never changes no matter how hard you try, and other aspects change readily. My hope is that this essay has been the beginning of wisdom about the difference.

What Can We Change?

When we survey all the problems, personality types, patterns of behavior, and the weak influence of childhood on adult life, we see a puzzling array of how much change occurs. From the things that are easiest to those that are the most difficult, this rough array emerges:

Panic: Curable; Specific Phobias: Almost Curable; Sexual Dysfunctions: Marked Relief; Social Phobia: Moderate Relief; Agoraphobia: Moderate Relief; Depression: Moderate Relief; Sex Role Change: Moderate; Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder: Moderate Mild Relief; Sexual Preferences: Moderate Mild Change; Anger: Mild Moderate Relief; Everyday Anxiety: Mild Moderate Relief; Alcoholism: Mild Relief; Overweight: Temporary Change; Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD): Marginal Relief; Sexual Orientation: Probably Unchangeable; Sexual Identity: Unchangeable.

Self-Analysis Questionnaire

Is your life dominated by anxiety? Read each statement and the mark the appropriate number to indicate how you generally feel. There are no right or wrong answers.

1. I am a steady person.

Almost Never | Sometimes | Often | Almost always | 4 3 2 1

2. I am satisfied with myself.

Almost Never | Sometimes | Often | Almost always | 4 3 2 1

3. I feel nervous and restless.

Almost Never | Sometimes | Often | Almost always | 1 2 3 4

4. I wish I could be as happy as others seem to be.

Almost Never | Sometimes | Often | Almost always | 1 2 3 4

5. I feel like a failure.

Almost Never | Sometimes | Often | Almost always | 1 2 3 4

6. I get in a state of tension and turmoil as I think over my recent concerns and interests.

Almost Never | Sometimes | Often | Almost always | 1 2 3 4

7. I feel secure.

Almost Never | Sometimes | Often | Almost always | 4 3 2 1

8. I have self-confidence.

Almost Never | Sometimes | Often | Almost always | 4 3 2 1

9. I feel inadequate.

Almost Never | Sometimes | Often | Almost always | 1 2 3 4

10. I worry too much over something that does not matter.

Almost Never | Sometimes | Often | Almost always | 1 2 3 4

To score, simply add up the numbers under your answers. Notice that some of the rows of numbers go up and others go down. The higher your total, the more the trait of anxiety dominates your life. If your score was: 10-11, you are in the lowest 10 percent of anxiety. 13-14, you are in the lowest quarter. 16-17, your anxiety level is about average. 19-20, Your anxiety level is around the 75th percentile. 22-24 (and you are male) your anxiety level is around the 90th percentile. 24-26 (and you are female) your anxiety level is around the 90th percentile. 25 (and you are male) your anxiety level is at the 95th percentile. 27 (and you are female) your anxiety level is at the 95th percentile.

Should you try to change your anxiety level? Here are my rules of thumb:

If your score is at the 90th percentile or above, you can probably improve the quality of your life by lowering your general anxiety level--regardless of paralysis and irrationality.

If your score is at the 75th percentile or above, and you feel that anxiety is either paralyzing you or that it is unfounded, you should probably try to lower your general anxiety level.

If your score is 18 or above, and you feel that anxiety is unfounded and paralyzing, you should probably try to lower your general anxiety level.



next:   Considering Suicide? STOP!

APA Reference
Staff, H. (2008, December 3). What You Can Change and What You Can't, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 7 from https://www.healthyplace.com/abuse/wermany/what-you-can-change-and-what-you-cant

Last Updated: September 25, 2015

Articles on Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID)

Do you have questions about Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID) / Multiple Personality Disorder (MPD)?

We have some answers, along with information on treatment plans, how to select a therapist, and more.

Please keep in mind the information below is for educational purposes only and should not be treated as medical, psychiatric or psychological advice. Nothing here is intended to be for medical diagnosis or treatment or a substitute for consultation with a qualified therapist or medical professional.

As views on various topics may differ greatly, even amongst professionals, we encourage you to take your questions and concerns to your personal therapist or medical doctor.

For easier viewing while off-line, you can click FILE, then SAVE AS in the menu bar at the top of your browser, enabling you to read and/or print the article later.



next:   Common Terms Used When Discussing Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID)/Multiple Personality Disorder (DID)

APA Reference
Staff, H. (2008, December 3). Articles on Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID), HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 7 from https://www.healthyplace.com/abuse/wermany/articles-on-dissociative-identity-disorder

Last Updated: September 25, 2015

Training With Examples

Examples by Adam Khan, author of Self-Help Stuff That Works

by Adam Khan

How do you explain it?

The most important two categories of optimism is how permanent and pervasive your explanations are of setbacks. See if you can guess which is the more optimistic explanation of the event. There's a link to the answers at the bottom.

You forgot you and your spouse's anniversary.
A. There's a lot going on in my life right now.
B. I'm forgetful.

You had an important meeting scheduled for yesterday, and you completely forgot about it until today.
A. I forgot to check my appointment book.
B. My memory isn't what it used to be.

You're late on a credit card payment.
A. I've been distracted by an important project.
B. When I get involved in something, I tend to get distracted.

You fail a test.
A. I didn't prepare well.
B. Preparation isn't my strong point.

Close friends are probably the most important contributor to your lifetime's happiness and your health.
How to Be Close to Your Friends

If you have hard feelings between you and another person, you ought to read this.
How to Melt Hard Feelings

Is it necessary to criticize people? Is there a way to avoid the pain involved?
Take the Sting Out

Would you like to improve your ability to connect with people? Would you like to be a more complete listener? Check this out.
To Zip or Not to Zip

If you are a manager or a parent, here's how to prevent people from misunderstanding you. Here's how to make sure things get done the way you want.
Is That Clear?

Most the people in the world are strangers to you. Here's how to increase your feeling of connectedness to those strangers.
We're Family


continue story below

next: People

APA Reference
Staff, H. (2008, December 3). Training With Examples, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 7 from https://www.healthyplace.com/self-help/self-help-stuff-that-works/training-with-examples

Last Updated: August 11, 2014

The Trouble With Troublemakers

Chapter 63 of the book Self-Help Stuff That Works

by Adam Khan

WHEN SOMEONE AT WORK talks badly about you behind your back, puts you down, interferes with your work, makes you mad, or otherwise makes trouble for you, the natural tendency is to focus on them. You want to get back at them. You want to talk badly about them behind their back, put them down, make trouble for them in some way.

But I want you to consider the possibility that returning like for like is a mistake. Look at the three practical steps below - all of them effective ways to deal with troublemakers - and notice: None involve talking about, thinking about, or speaking with the troublemakers themselves, because that doesn't work. Here's what does work:

1. Do your work extremely well. Think of your level of excellence as a sliding scale, from doing-as-little-as-you-can-do-without-
getting-fired all the way up to doing-your-very-
best-every-second-you-are-at-work. At any given moment, you are somewhere between those two extremes. Move yourself further up the scale and you will feel more confident of your position. Doing your work well counteracts the feelings of insecurity a troublemaker can cause.

2. Keep your integrity level high. Doing anything unethical will increase the insecurity you feel. Conversely, the more you act with honesty and fairness, the better you will feel about yourself and about your position at work.

3. Stay in good communication with everyone else. A common response to feeling that someone is out to get you is to withdraw. But that's a big mistake. The universe of human opinion abhors a vacuum, and if a troublemaker says something bad about you and the listener hears nothing from you, guess what? The slanderous information will tend to hold the floor from lack of any other viewpoint. Your bosses and coworkers may be mature, rational people, but human emotions still influence their decisions, opinions, and conclusions. Stay in communication with people - not trying to prove anything, but just being yourself - and the reality of who you are will help negate any rumors about you.


 


DO THESE THREE and the threat from the troublemaker will be minimized. You can't really get rid of such an element for good. That's the trouble with troublemakers. They are bound to crop up now and then, as inevitably as a bad storm. If you try to argue with them or fight with them or use their tactics on them, you will lose. They've been at it longer than you.

Do your work to the best of your ability, conduct yourself honorably, and stay in good communication. Your position will be solid and the storm will pass over you without so much as a shudder.

Do your work exceptionally well, keep your integrity level high, and stay in good communication with everyone else.

Dale Carnegie, who wrote the famous book How to Win Friends and Influence People, left a chapter out of his book. Find out what he meant to say but didn't about people you cannot win over:
The Bad Apples

An extremely important thing to keep in mind is that judging people will harm you. Learn here how to prevent yourself from making this all-too-human mistake:
Here Comes the Judge

The art of controlling the meanings you're making is an important skill to master. It will literally determine the quality of your life. Read more about it in:
Master the Art of Making Meaning

Here's a profound and life-changing way to gain the respect and the trust of others:
As Good As Gold

What if you already knew you ought to change and in what way? And what if that insight has made no difference so far? Here's how to make your insights make a difference:
From Hope to Change

next: The Spirit of the Games

APA Reference
Staff, H. (2008, December 3). The Trouble With Troublemakers, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 7 from https://www.healthyplace.com/self-help/self-help-stuff-that-works/trouble-with-troublemakers

Last Updated: March 31, 2016

Hyperkinesis and Breakdown of Parenting

Study shows hyperkinetic children were three times more likely to have suffered removal from home than children with other psychiatric diagnoses.

The Association Between Hyperkinesis and Breakdown of Parenting in Clinic Populations

D M Foreman, D Foreman, E B Minty

Arch Dis Child 2005;90:245-248. doi: 10.1136/adc.2003.039826

Background: There is increasing recognition that child based, as well as parent based factors may be associated with children being excluded from their families. Despite the distress routinely observed among the parents of hyperactive children, there is little research on this in clinic populations.

Aims: To examine removals from home in a typical secondary care population, where hyperkinesis was accurately diagnosed.

Methods: A total of 201 cases were coded using mulitaxial ICD-10 criteria and Jarman indices derived from census data.

Results: Hyperkinetic children were more than three times more likely to have suffered removal from home than children with other psychiatric diagnoses, independent of any psychosocial measure.

Conclusion: Hyperkinesis is a specific risk factor for removal from home, which can operate in the absence of other psychosocial stressors. Screening children for hyperactivity is now simple, and the routine paediatric examination for children accommodated by the local authority gives an opportunity for early detection and treatment of hyperactivity in children at risk of family breakdown.

D M Foreman, Child and Adolescent Mental Health Service, Skimped Hill Health Centre, Bracknell, UK - D Foreman, Department of Psychology, University of Southampton, UK - E B Minty, Department of Psychiatric Social Work, School of Psychiatry and Behavioural Sciences, University of Manchester, UK.

 


 


 

APA Reference
Staff, H. (2008, December 3). Hyperkinesis and Breakdown of Parenting, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 7 from https://www.healthyplace.com/adhd/articles/hyperkinesis-and-breakdown-of-parenting

Last Updated: May 6, 2019

Loss and Bulimia

Loss is a part of life

I've never met a person who has bulimia who did not suffer a life-changing loss. Linking loss and bulimia is the first step toward recovery.We all undergo many losses, real and imagined. My father died 32 years ago. I was 20 then. I am almost the same age he was when he had his fatal car accident. His death was the greatest "real" loss of my life. My eating disorder began a year later.

But I am not alone. In fact, I have never met a person who has bulimia who did not suffer a life-changing loss. Some people lose their parents through death or divorce. Others feel a loss when a sister or brother goes off to college or marries. Or when we move to a new town and lose our friends.

Some of us mourn the loss of childhood, or of a childhood dream. Sometimes bodies betray us. Young ballerinas become too big-chested to perform professionally. High school valedictorians discover that they are only average students once they attend a good college.

We also lose face after wetting the bed at camp, receiving a a scolding from the teacher in front of the class, or being demoted from the first reading group.

Friendships and love relationships leave us especially vulnerable to loss. Your best friend may betray you, or move away. Your boyfriend may leave you for another girl.

Sadly, some of us are physically or sexually abused, which causes us to lose not only our innocence but our capacity to trust. We also lose our body as a part of us that we love and enjoy. Once we become alienated from our bodies, we are prone to hate and hurt them.

Even those of us who grew up in close, seemingly healthy families can also suffer loss, though in more subtle ways. Some parents need us to remain dependent on them so that they never have to deal with their own issues. They stifle our efforts at independence by withdrawing their love and support. They may reject our friends and suitors, and make comments like, "Oh, I guess we can't talk to you anymore, now that you're a college girl..." or, "It's obvious that you like your boyfriend more than us, so why should we invite you to dinner?" To hear comments like these is to suffer a thousand deaths.

Some of these losses roll off the backs of other people -- but not ours! We tend to dwell on what we have lost, and often we blame ourselves. "If only I weren't so bad, or so fat," we say, "If only I were better, then this wouldn't have happened."

We Blame Ourselves

In our minds, the loss is all our fault. Shame and guilt fill us. Looking for a way to punish ourselves, we use our bodies, concluding wrongly, "If I were thin enough, everything would be better." So we eat to fill the empty feeling left by the loss, and we throw up to hurt ourselves, and to keep ourselves from getting fat.

If we can't control our losses, at least we can control our bodies. Eating becomes the one area in our lives where we feel in charge. We alone can determine what's kept and what's lost.

Ironically, the act that once made us feel in control ultimately takes control of us. The trap is set and we are caught.

Breaking Free

What can we do to free ourselves?

First, examine your basic assumption. You didn't suffer a loss because you were bad or fat. You suffered a loss because LOSS HAPPENS.

Sometimes other people are at fault; sometimes, it's no one's fault. It's just life.

And if you base your life on the faulty assumption that you are bad and need to be punished, you can lose your health and your life-- over nothing.

Count Your Losses -- Not Your Calories

You can work through your losses in treatment, but first you have to realize what they are.

Make a time-line of your life for as far back as you can remember. List the events that knocked you down, no matter how small or silly they seem. Today you may laugh at the recollection that someone called you "chubby" when you were twelve -- but you didn't laugh then.

Think about those losses -- real and imagined. What did they do to you? How did you cope with the pain and grief? Did you stuff it down and throw it up, as a metaphor for your hurt feelings?

One thing is for sure. Bingeing and purging won't bring back what is gone, and won't make the pain go away. And being thin is not a guarantee against future loss.

Reflection, understanding, an attitude shift, and the support of a professional -- these can help you understand your internal life. These are the seeds of change.

Linking loss and bulimia is the first step toward recovery.

Did you know?

"Et lux in tenebris lucet" means, "The light shineth before the darkness."

Judith Recommends

To understand how a young girl deals with loss and grief, I recommend THE MEMBER OF THE WEDDING, by Carson McCullers.

In this poignant novel, Frankie, a 12-year-old Georgia tomboy, grapples with devastating losses -- the death of her parents, the marriage of her beloved brother, and a traumatizing sexual experience -- all of which would make her a prime candidate for developing an eating disorder. Yet she doesn't. Find out why. Her story will inspire you.

I also recommend "Party of Five" on Fox TV (Tuesday nights). Neve Campbell plays Julia, one of five siblings who lost their parents in a car accident when they were young. Julia goes through a divorce, leaves for college, and then is physically abused by her boyfriend. She is also a good candidate for an eating disorder -- so many early losses and blows to her self-esteem. Will she?...

next: Reworking the Myth of Personal Incompetence: Group Psychotherapy for Bulimia Nervosa
~ all Beat Bulimia articles
~ eating disorders library
~ all articles on eating disorders

APA Reference
Staff, H. (2008, December 3). Loss and Bulimia, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 7 from https://www.healthyplace.com/eating-disorders/articles/loss-and-bulimia

Last Updated: January 14, 2014

Twelve Ideas to Help People with Eating Disorders Negotiate the Holidays

How can someone with an eating disorder healthfully navigate through the busy holiday season? Here are twelve suggestions that may help.

1. Eat regularly and in some kind of reasonable pattern. Avoid "preparing for the last supper." Don't skip meals and starve in attempt to make up for what you recently ate or are about to eat. Keep a regular and moderate pattern.

2. Worry more about the size of your heart than the size of your hips! It is the holiday season, a great time to reflect, enjoy relationships with loved ones, and most importantly a time to feel gratitude for blessings received and a time to give back through loving service to others.

3. Discuss your anticipations of the holidays with your therapist, physician, dietitian, or other members of your eating disorder treatment team so that they can help you predict, prepare for, and get through any uncomfortable family interactions without self destructive coping attempts.

4. Have a well thought out game plan before you go home or invite others into your home. Know "where the exits are," where your support persons are, and how you'll know when it's time to make a brief exit and get connected with needed support.

5. Talk with loved ones about important issues: decisions, victories, challenges, fears, concerns, dreams, goals, special moments, spirituality, relationships and your feelings about them. Allow important themes to be present and allow yourself to have fun rather than rigidly focusing on food or body concerns.

Twelve ideas to help people with eating disorders negotiate the holidays. Self-help for people with an eating disorder to survive the holidays.6. Choose, ahead of time, someone to call if you are struggling with addictive behaviors, or with negative thoughts, or difficult emotions. Call them ahead of time and let them know of your concerns, needs, and the possibility of them receiving a call from you.

7. If it would be a support or help to you, consider choosing one loved one to be your "reality check" with food, to either help plate up food for you, or to give you a reality check on the food portions which you dish up for yourself.

8. Write down your vision of where you would like your mind and heart to be during this holiday time with loved ones. Take time, several times per day, to find a quiet place to become in tune again with your vision, to remember, to nurture, and to center yourself into those thoughts, feelings, and actions which are congruent with your vision for yourself.

9. If you have personal goals for your time with loved ones during the holidays, focus the goals around what you would like to do. Make your goals about "doing something" rather than about trying to prevent something. If you have food goals, then make sure you also add personal emotional, spiritual, and relationship goals as well.

10. Work on being flexible in your thoughts. Learn to be flexible in guidelines for yourself, and in expectations of yourself and others. Strive to be flexible in what you can eat during the holidays. Take a holiday from self imposed criticism, rigidity, and perfectionism.

11. Stay active in your support group, or begin activity if you are currently not involved. Many support groups can be helpful. 12-step group, co-dependency group, eating disorder therapy group, neighborhood "Bunco" game group, and religious or spiritually oriented groups are examples of groups which may give real support. Isolation and withdrawal from positive support is not the right answer for getting through trying times.

12. Avoid "overstressing" and "overbooking" yourself and avoid the temptation and pattern of becoming "too busy." A lower sense of stress can decrease a felt need to go to eating disorder behaviors or other unhelpful coping strategies. Cut down on unnecessary events and obligations and leave time for relaxation, contemplation, reflection, spiritual renewal, simple service, and enjoying the small yet most important things in life. This will help you experience and enjoy a sense of gratitude and peace.

next: Eating Disorders: Culture and Eating Disorders
~ eating disorders library
~ all articles on eating disorders

APA Reference
Staff, H. (2008, December 3). Twelve Ideas to Help People with Eating Disorders Negotiate the Holidays, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 7 from https://www.healthyplace.com/eating-disorders/articles/twelve-ideas-to-help-people-with-eating-disorders-negotiate-the-holidays

Last Updated: January 14, 2014

Conduct Disorder - European Description

Conduct disorders are characterized by a repetitive and persistent pattern of dissocial, aggressive, or defiant conduct. Read more.

The ICD-10 Classification of Mental and Behavioural Disorders World Health Organization, Geneva, 1992

Contents

F91 Conduct Disorders

F91.0 Conduct Disorder Confined To The Family Context

F91.1 Unsocialized Conduct Disorder

F91.2 Socialized Conduct Disorder

F91 Conduct Disorders:
Conduct disorders are characterized by a repetitive and persistent pattern of dissocial, aggressive, or defiant conduct. Such behaviour, when at its most extreme for the individual, should amount to major violations of age-appropriate social expectations, and is therefore more severe than ordinary childish mischief or adolescent rebelliousness. Isolated dissocial or criminal acts are not in themselves grounds for the diagnosis, which implies an enduring pattern of behaviour.

Features of conduct disorder can also be symptomatic of other psychiatric conditions, in which case the underlying diagnosis should be coded.

Disorders of conduct may in some cases proceed to dissocial personality disorder (F60.2). Conduct disorder is frequently associated with adverse psychosocial environments, including unsatisfactory family relationships and failure at school, and is more commonly noted in boys. Its distinction from emotional disorder is well validated; its separation from hyperactivity is less clear and there is often overlap.

Diagnostic Guidelines
Judgements concerning the presence of conduct disorder should take into account the child's developmental level. Temper tantrums, for example, are a normal part of a 3-year-old's development and their mere presence would not be grounds for diagnosis. Equally, the violation of other people's civic rights (as by violent crime) is not within the capacity of most 7-year-olds and so is not a necessary diagnostic criterion for that age group.

Examples of the behaviours on which the diagnosis is based include the following: excessive levels of fighting or bullying; cruelty to animals or other people; severe destructiveness to property; firesetting; stealing; repeated lying; truancy from school and running away from home; unusually frequent and severe temper tantrums; defiant provocative behaviour; and persistent severe disobedience. Any one of these categories, if marked, is sufficient for the diagnosis, but isolated dissocial acts are not.

Exclusion criteria include uncommon but serious underlying conditions such as schizophrenia, mania, pervasive developmental disorder, hyperkinetic disorder, and depression.

This diagnosis is not recommended unless the duration of the behaviour described above has been 6 months or longer.

Differential diagnosis. Conduct disorder overlaps with other conditions. The coexistence of emotional disorders of childhood (F93.-) should lead to a diagnosis of mixed disorder of conduct and emotions (F92.-). If a case also meets the criteria for hyperkinetic disorder (F90.-), that condition should be diagnosed instead. However, milder or more situation-specific levels of overactivity and inattentiveness are common in children with conduct disorder, as are low self-esteem and minor emotional upsets; neither excludes the diagnosis.

Excludes:

  • conduct disorders associated with emotional disorders (F92.-) or hyperkinetic disorders (F90.-)
  • mood [affective] disorders (F30-F39)
  • pervasive developmental disorders (F84.-)
  • schizophrenia (F20.-)

F91.0 Conduct Disorder Confined To The Family Context:
This category comprises conduct disorders involving dissocial or aggressive behaviour (and not merely oppositional, defiant, disruptive behaviour) in which the abnormal behaviour is entirely, or almost entirely, confined to the home and/or to interactions with members of the nuclear family or immediate household. The disorder requires that the overall criteria for F91 be met; even severely disturbed parent - child relationships are not of themselves sufficient for diagnosis. There may be stealing from the home, often specifically focused on the money or possessions of one or two particular individuals. This may be accompanied by deliberately destructive behaviour, again often focused on specific family members—such as breaking of toys or ornaments, tearing of clothes, carving on furniture, or destruction of prized possessions. Violence against family members (but not others) and deliberate fire-setting confined to the home are also grounds for the diagnosis.

Diagnostic Guidelines
Diagnosis requires that there be no significant conduct disturbance outside the family setting and that the child's social relationships outside the family be within the normal range.

In most cases these family-specific conduct disorders will have arisen in the context of some form of marked disturbance in the child's relationship with one or more members of the nuclear family. In some cases, for example, the disorder may have arisen in relation to conflict with a newly arrived step-parent. The nosological validity of this category remains uncertain, but it is possible that these highly situation-specific conduct disorders do not carry the generally poor prognosis associated with pervasive conduct disturbances.




F91.1 Unsocialized Conduct Disorder:
This type of conduct disorder is characterized by the combination of persistent dissocial or aggressive behaviour (meeting the overall criteria for F91 and not merely comprising oppositional, defiant, disruptive behaviour), with a significant pervasive abnormality in the individual's relationships with other children.

Diagnostic Guidelines
The lack of effective integration into a peer group constitutes the key distinction from "socialized" conduct disorders and this has precedence over all other differentiations. Disturbed peer relationships are evidenced chiefly by isolation from and/or rejection by or unpopularity with other children, and by a lack of close friends or of lasting empathic, reciprocal relationships with others in the same age group. Relationships with adults tend to be marked by discord, hostility, and resentment. Good relationships with adults can occur (although usually they lack a close, confiding quality) and, if present, do not rule out the diagnosis. Frequently, but not always, there is some associated emotional disturbance (but, if this is of a degree sufficient to meet the criteria of a mixed disorder, the code F92.- should be used).

Offending is characteristically (but not necessarily) solitary. Typical behaviours comprise: bullying, excessive fighting, and (in older children) extortion or violent assault; excessive levels of disobedience, rudeness, uncooperativeness, and resistance to authority; severe temper tantrums and uncontrolled rages; destructiveness to property, fire-setting, and cruelty to animals and other children. Some isolated children, however, become involved in group offending. The nature of the offence is therefore less important in making the diagnosis than the quality of personal relationships.

The disorder is usually pervasive across situations but it may be most evident at school; specificity to situations other than the home is compatible with the diagnosis.

Includes:

  • conduct disorder, solitary aggressive type
  • unsocialized aggressive disorder

F91.2 Socialized Conduct Disorder:
This category applies to conduct disorders involving persistent dissocial or aggressive behaviour (meeting the overall criteria for F91 and not merely comprising oppositional, defiant, disruptive behaviour) occurring in individuals who are generally well integrated into their peer group.

Diagnostic Guidelines
The key differentiating feature is the presence of adequate, lasting friendships with others of roughly the same age. Often, but not always, the peer group will consist of other youngsters involved in delinquent or dissocial activities (in which case the child's socially unacceptable conduct may well be approved by the peer group and regulated by the subculture to which it belongs). However, this is not a necessary requirement for the diagnosis: the child may form part of a nondelinquent peer group with his or her dissocial behaviour taking place outside this context. If the dissocial behaviour involves bullying in particular, there may be disturbed relationships with victims or some other children. Again, this does not invalidate the diagnosis provided that the child has some peer group to which he or she is loyal and which involves lasting friendships.

Relationships with adults in authority tend to be poor but there may be good relationships with others. Emotional disturbances are usually minimal. The conduct disturbance may or may not include the family setting but if it is confined to the home the diagnosis is excluded. Often the disorder is most evident outside the family context and specificity to the school (or other extrafamilial setting) is compatible with the diagnosis.

Includes:

  • conduct disorder, group type
  • group delinquency
  • offences in the context of gang membership
  • stealing in company with others
  • truancy from school

Excludes:

  • gang activity without manifest psychiatric disorder (Z03.2)

ICD-10 copyright © 1992 by World Health Organization. Internet Mental Health copyright © 1995-1997 by Phillip W. Long, M.D.



 

APA Reference
Staff, H. (2008, December 3). Conduct Disorder - European Description, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 7 from https://www.healthyplace.com/adhd/articles/conduct-disorder-european-description

Last Updated: May 7, 2019

How Do I Know If I have ADD/ADHD? (Children)

Suggested Diagnostic Criteria For Attention Deficit Disorder In Children

The two most common documents used for the diagnosis of ADD/ADHD are the DSM IV and ICD 10. We included descriptions of both here.The two most common documents used for the diagnosis of ADD/ADHD are the DSM IV and ICD 10. The DSM IV is used mostly in the United States though it has been used elsewhere, including the U.K., whereas the ICD 10 is more commonly used in Europe. We have included the descriptions of both, as below.

Note: Consider a criterion met only if the behaviour is considerably more frequent than that of most people of the same mental age.

DSM IV (Diagnostic & Statistical Manual) ATTENTION DEFICIT HYPERACTIVITY DISORDER Diagnostic Criteria:

 

A. Either (1) OR (2)

 

(1). Six (or more) of the following symptoms of inattention have persisted for at least six months to a degree that is maladaptive and inconsistent with developmental level.

INATTENTION

  • (a) Often fails to give close attention to details or makes careless mistakes in schoolwork, work or other activities.

  • (b) Often has difficulty sustaining attention in tasks or play activities.

  • (c) Often does not seem to listen when spoken to directly.

  • (d) Often does not seem to follow through on instructions and fails to finish schoolwork, chores or duties in the workplace (not due to oppositional behaviour or failure to understand instructions).

  • (e) Often has difficulty organising tasks and activities.

  • (f) Often avoids, dislikes or is reluctant to engage in tasks that require sustained mental effort (such as schoolwork or homework).

  • (g) Often loses things necessary to tasks or activities (e.g. toys, school assignments, pencils, books, or tools).

  • (h) Is often distracted by extraneous stimuli.

  • (i) Is often forgetful in daily activities.

(2). Six, or more, of the following symptoms of hyperactivity-impulsivity have persisted for at least six months to a degree that is maladaptive and inconsistent with developmental level.

HYPERACTIVITY

  • (a) Often fidgets with hands or feet, or squirms in seat.

  • (b) Often leaves seat in classroom or other situation where it is inappropriate (In adolescents or adults, this may be limited to subjective feelings of restlessness).

  • (c) Often has difficulty playing or engaging in leisure activities quietly.

  • (d) Is often 'on the go' or often acts as if 'driven by a motor'

  • (e) Often talks excessively.

IMPULSIVITY

  • (f) Often blurts out answers before questions have been completed.

  • (g) Often has difficulty awaiting turn.

  • (h) Often interrupts or intrudes on others (e.g. butts into conversations or games)

B. Some hyperactive-impulsive or inattentive symptoms that caused impairment were present before the age of 7 years.

C. Some impairment from the symptoms is present in two or more settings (e.g. at school (or work) and at home).

D. There must be clear evidence of clinically significant impairment in social, academic or occupational functioning.

E. The symptoms do not occur exclusively during the course of a Pervasive Developmental Disorder, Schizophrenia, or other Psychotic Disorder, and are not better accounted for by another mental disorder (e.g. Mood disorder, Anxiety Disorder, Dissociative Disorder, or a Personality Disorder).




Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder - European Description

The ICD-10 Classification of Mental and Behavioural Disorders World Health Organization, Geneva, 1992

Contents

  • F90 Hyperkinetic Disorders
  • F90.0 Disturbance Of Activity And Attention
  • F90.1 Hyperkinetic Conduct Disorder

 

F90 Hyperkinetic Disorders:
This group of disorders is characterized by: early onset; a combination of overactive, poorly modulated behaviour with marked inattention and lack of persistent task involvement; and pervasiveness over situations and persistence over time of these behavioural characteristics.

It is widely thought that constitutional abnormalities play a crucial role in the genesis of these disorders, but knowledge on specific etiology is lacking at present. In recent years the use of the diagnostic term "attention deficit disorder" for these syndromes has been promoted. It has not been used here because it implies a knowledge of psychological processes that is not yet available, and it suggests the inclusion of anxious, preoccupied, or "dreamy" apathetic children whose problems are probably different. However, it is clear that, from the point of view of behaviour, problems of inattention constitute a central feature of these hyperkinetic syndromes.

Hyperkinetic disorders always arise early in development (usually in the first 5 years of life). Their chief characteristics are lack of persistence in activities that require cognitive involvement, and a tendency to move from one activity to another without completing any one, together with disorganized, ill-regulated, and excessive activity. These problems usually persist through school years and even into adult life, but many affected individuals show a gradual improvement in activity and attention.

Several other abnormalities may be associated with these disorders. Hyperkinetic children are often reckless and impulsive, prone to accidents, and find themselves in disciplinary trouble because of unthinking (rather than deliberately defiant) breaches of rules. Their relationships with adults are often socially disinhibited, with a lack of normal caution and reserve; they are unpopular with other children and may become isolated. Cognitive impairment is common, and specific delays in motor and language development are disproportionately frequent.

Secondary complications include dissocial behaviour and low self-esteem. There is accordingly considerable overlap between hyperkinesis and other patterns of disruptive behaviour such as "unsocialized conduct disorder". Nevertheless, current evidence favours the separation of a group in which hyperkinesis is the main problem.

Hyperkinetic disorders are several times more frequent in boys than in girls. Associated reading difficulties (and/or other scholastic problems) are common.

Diagnostic Guidelines
The cardinal features are impaired attention and overactivity: both are necessary for the diagnosis and should be evident in more than one situation (e.g. home, classroom, clinic).

Impaired attention is manifested by prematurely breaking off from tasks and leaving activities unfinished. The children change frequently from one activity to another, seemingly losing interest in one task because they become diverted to another (although laboratory studies do not generally show an unusual degree of sensory or perceptual distractibility). These deficits in persistence and attention should be diagnosed only if they are excessive for the child's age and IQ.

Overactivity implies excessive restlessness, especially in situations requiring relative calm. It may, depending upon the situation, involve the child running and jumping around, getting up from a seat when he or she was supposed to remain seated, excessive talkativeness and noisiness, or fidgeting and wriggling. The standard for judgement should be that the activity is excessive in the context of what is expected in the situation and by comparison with other children of the same age and IQ. This behavioural feature is most evident in structured, organized situations that require a high degree of behavioural self-control.

The associated features are not sufficient for the diagnosis or even necessary, but help to sustain it. Disinhibition in social relationships, recklessness in situations involving some danger, and impulsive flouting of social rules (as shown by intruding on or interrupting others' activities, prematurely answering questions before they have been completed, or difficulty in waiting turns) are all characteristic of children with this disorder.

Learning disorders and motor clumsiness occur with undue frequency, and should be noted separately when present; they should not, however, be part of the actual diagnosis of hyperkinetic disorder.

Symptoms of conduct disorder are neither exclusion nor inclusion criteria for the main diagnosis, but their presence or absence constitutes the basis for the main subdivision of the disorder (see below).

The characteristic behaviour problems should be of early onset (before age 6 years) and long duration. However, before the age of school entry, hyperactivity is difficult to recognize because of the wide normal variation: only extreme levels should lead to a diagnosis in preschool children.




Diagnosis of hyperkinetic disorder can still be made in adult life. The grounds are the same, but attention and activity must be judged with reference to developmentally appropriate norms. When hyperkinesis was present in childhood, but has disappeared and been succeeded by another condition, such as dissocial personality disorder or substance abuse, the current condition rather than the earlier one is coded.

Differential diagnosis. Mixed disorders are common, and pervasive developmental disorders take precedence when they are present. The major problems in diagnosis lie in differentiation from conduct disorder: when its criteria are met, hyperkinetic disorder is diagnosed with priority over conduct disorder. However, milder degrees of overactivity and inattention are common in conduct disorder. When features of both hyperactivity and conduct disorder are present, and the hyperactivity is pervasive and severe, "hyperkinetic conduct disorder" (F90.1) should be the diagnosis.

A further problem stems from the fact that overactivity and inattention, of a rather different kind from that which is characteristic of a hyperkinetic disorder, may arise as a symptom of anxiety or depressive disorders. Thus, the restlessness that is typically part of an agitated depressive disorder should not lead to a diagnosis of a hyperkinetic disorder. Equally, the restlessness that is often part of severe anxiety should not lead to the diagnosis of a hyperkinetic disorder. If the criteria for one of the anxiety disorders are met, this should take precedence over hyperkinetic disorder unless there is evidence, apart from the restlessness associated with anxiety, for the additional presence of a hyperkinetic disorder. Similarly, if the criteria for a mood disorder are met, hyperkinetic disorder should not be diagnosed in addition simply because concentration is impaired and there is psychomotor agitation. The double diagnosis should be made only when symptoms that are not simply part of the mood disturbance clearly indicate the separate presence of a hyperkinetic disorder.

Acute onset of hyperactive behaviour in a child of school age is more probably due to some type of reactive disorder (psychogenic or organic), manic state, schizophrenia, or neurological disease (e.g. rheumatic fever).

Excludes:

  • anxiety disorders
  • mood (affective) disorders
  • pervasive developmental disorders
  • schizophrenia

F90.0 Disturbance Of Activity And Attention:
There is continuing uncertainty over the most satisfactory subdivision of hyperkinetic disorders. However, follow-up studies show that the outcome in adolescence and adult life is much influenced by whether or not there is associated aggression, delinquency, or dissocial behaviour. Accordingly, the main subdivision is made according to the presence or absence of these associated features. The code used should be F90.0 when the overall criteria for hyperkinetic disorder (F90.-) are met but those for F91.- (conduct disorders) are not.

Includes:

  • attention deficit disorder or syndrome with hyperactivity
  • attention deficit hyperactivity disorder

Excludes:

  • hyperkinetic disorder associate with conduct disorder (F90.1)

F90.1 Hyperkinetic Conduct Disorder:
This coding should be used when both the overall criteria for hyperkinetic disorders (F90.-) and the overall criteria for conduct disorders (F91.-) are met.

ICD-10 copyright © 1992 by World Health Organization. Internet Mental Health (www.mentalhealth.com) copyright © 1995-1997 by Phillip W. Long, M.D.



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APA Reference
Staff, H. (2008, December 3). How Do I Know If I have ADD/ADHD? (Children), HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 7 from https://www.healthyplace.com/adhd/articles/how-do-i-know-if-i-have-add-adhd-children

Last Updated: February 12, 2016

'Power Nap' Prevents Burnout; Morning Sleep Perfects a Skill

Power nap prevents burnout - Morning sleep perfects a skill. An afternoon nap appears to enhance information processing and learning.Evidence is mounting that sleep - even a nap - appears to enhance information processing and learning. New experiments by NIMH grantee Alan Hobson, M.D., Robert Stickgold, Ph.D., and colleagues at Harvard University show that a midday snooze reverses information overload and that a 20 percent overnight improvement in learning a motor skill is largely traceable to a late stage of sleep that some early risers might be missing. Overall, their studies suggest that the brain uses a night's sleep to consolidate the memories of habits, actions and skills learned during the day.

The bottom line: we should stop feeling guilty about taking that "power nap" at work or catching those extra winks the night before our piano recital.

Reporting in the July, 2002 Nature Neuroscience, Sara Mednick, Ph.D., Stickgold and colleagues demonstrate that "burnout" - irritation, frustration and poorer performance on a mental task -- sets in as a day of training wears on. Subjects performed a visual task, reporting the horizontal or vertical orientation of three diagonal bars against a background of horizontal bars in the lower left corner of a computer screen. Their scores on the task worsened over the course of four daily practice sessions. Allowing subjects a 30-minute nap after the second session prevented any further deterioration, while a 1-hour nap actually boosted performance in the third and fourth sessions back to morning levels.

Rather than generalized fatigue, the researchers suspected that the burnout was limited to just the brain visual system circuits involved in the task. To find out, they engaged a fresh set of neural circuitry by switching the location of the task to the lower right corner of the computer screen for just the fourth practice session. As predicted, subjects experienced no burnout and performed about as well as they did in the first session -- or after a short nap.

This led the researchers to propose that neural networks in the visual cortex "gradually become saturated with information through repeated testing, preventing further perceptual processing." They think burnout may be the brain's "mechanism for preserving information that has been processed but has not yet been consolidated into memory by sleep."

So how might a nap help? Recordings of brain and ocular electrical activity monitored while napping revealed that the longer 1-hour naps contained more than four times as much deep, or slow wave sleep and rapid eye movement (REM) sleep than the half-hour naps. Subjects who took the longer naps also spent significantly more time in a slow wave sleep state on the test day than on a "baseline" day, when they were not practicing. Previous studies by the Harvard group have traced overnight memory consolidation and improvement on the same perceptual task to amounts of slow wave sleep in the first quarter of the night and to REM sleep in the last quarter. Since a nap hardly allows enough time for the latter early morning REM sleep effect to develop, a slow wave sleep effect appears to be the antidote to burnout.

Neural networks involved in the task are refreshed by "mechanisms of cortical plasticity" operating during slow wave sleep, suggest the researchers. "Slow wave sleep serves as the initial processing stage of experience-dependent, long-term learning and as the critical stage for restoring perceptual performance."

The Harvard team has now extended to a motor-skill task their earlier discovery of sleep's role in enhancing learning of the perceptual task. Matthew Walker, Ph.D., Hobson, Stickgold and colleagues report in the July 3, 2002 Neuron that a 20 percent overnight boost in speed on a finger tapping task is accounted for mostly by stage 2 non-rapid eye movement (NREM) sleep in the two hours just before waking.

Prior to the study, it was known that people learning motor skills continue to improve for at least a day following a training session. For example, musicians, dancers and athletes often report that their performance has improved even though they haven't practiced for a day or two. But until now it was unclear whether this could be ascribed to specific sleep states instead of simply to the passage of time.

In the study, 62 right-handers were asked to type a sequence of numbers (4-1-3-2-4) with their left hand as rapidly and accurately as possible for 30 seconds. Each finger tap registered as a white dot on a computer screen rather than the number typed, so subjects didn't know how accurately they were performing. Twelve such trials separated by 30-second rest periods constituted a training session, which was scored for speed and accuracy.

Regardless of whether they trained in the morning or the evening, subjects improved by an average of nearly 60 percent by simply repeating the task, with most of the boost coming within the first few trials. A group tested after training in the morning and staying awake for 12 hours showed no significant improvement. But when tested following a night's sleep, their performance increased by nearly 19 percent. Another group that trained in the evening scored 20.5 percent faster after a night's sleep, but gained only a negligible 2 percent after another 12 hours of waking. To rule out the possibility that motor skill activity during waking hours might interfere with consolidation of the task in memory, another group even wore mittens for a day to prevent skilled finger movements. Their improvement was negligible -- until after a full night's sleep, when their scores soared by nearly 20 percent.

Sleep lab monitoring of 12 subjects who trained at 10 PM revealed that their improved performance was directly proportional to the amount of stage 2 NREM sleep they got in the fourth quarter of the night. Although this stage represents about half of a night's sleep overall, Walker said he and his colleagues were surprised at the pivotal role stage 2 NREM plays in enhancing learning of the motor task, given that REM and slow wave sleep had accounted for the similar overnight learning improvement in the perceptual task.

They speculate that sleep may enhance motor skill learning via powerful bursts of synchronous neuronal firing, called "spindles," characteristic of stage 2 NREM sleep during the early morning hours. These spindles predominate around the center of the brain, conspicuously near motor regions, and are thought to promote new neural connections by triggering an influx of calcium into cells of the cortex. Studies have observed an increase in spindles following training on a motor task.

The new findings have implications for learning sports, a musical instrument, or developing artistic movement control. "All such learning of new actions may require sleep before the maximum benefit of practice is expressed," note the researchers. Since a full night's sleep is a prerequisite to experiencing the critical final two hours of stage 2 NREM sleep, "life's modern erosion of sleep time could shortchange your brain of some learning potential," added Walker.

The findings also underscore why sleep may be important to the learning involved in recovering function following insults to the brain's motor system, as in stoke. They also may help to explain why infants sleep so much. "Their intensity of learning may drive the brain's hunger for large amounts of sleep," suggested Walker.

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APA Reference
Staff, H. (2008, December 3). 'Power Nap' Prevents Burnout; Morning Sleep Perfects a Skill, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 7 from https://www.healthyplace.com/anxiety-panic/articles/power-nap-prevents-burnout-morning-sleep-perfects-a-skill

Last Updated: July 4, 2016